Clvr.Tv
Rss Feed
Linkedin button

Posts Tagged ‘software patents’


Patrick Anderson at GametimeIP has an interesting post that explains investment in new technologies is affected by competition between the patent systems of countries.  He quotes Judge Rader as pointing out that

By creating obstacles to patent protection, the real-world impact is to frustrate innovation and drive research funding to more hospitable locations. To be direct, if one nation makes patent protection difficult, it will drive research to another, more accommodating, nation.

Anderson further explains:

Rader then recounts the tale of the European patent system, which he says “became known for subjecting [biotech] inventions to delays in the patent office, challenges in litigation, increases in cost, and uncertainties in the legal landscape.”  Consequently, Rader continues, “investors, corporations, and clinics shifted their research from Europe to the United States.”  Rader then warns that the tide can turn against the United States just as easily.

It appears that in these difficult economic times other countries are waking up to these facts.  The post talks about a Halliburton case in the UK in which the judge took a narrow approach to excluding software inventions.  The judge made this insightful comment:

Thus when confronted by an invention which is implemented in computer software, the mere fact that it works that way does not normally answer the question of patentability. The question is decided by considering what task it is that the program (or the programmed computer) actually performs. A computer programmed to perform a task which makes a contribution to the art which is technical in nature, is a patentable invention and may be claimed as such. Indeed in those circumstances the patentee is perfectly entitled to claim the computer program itself.

Please read the full post at GametimeIP.

 

 

This is a guest post by David Boundy directed to fellow patent attorneys.

The bill tilts the playing field in favor of multinational corporations and market incumbents.  The bill shifts from today’s emphasis on disclosure and disruptive innovation to favor trade secret and market incumbency, in the following ways.

  • The § 102(a) grace period is totally repealed.  Every inventor will be in a race against all other possible disclosures—no inventor will have the time to perfect and test an invention before filing.  All companies will be forced to file before an invention is fully understood or tested.  That will be expensive for your clients and trouble for you as an attorney, and reduce patent quality.
  • Inventors, entrepreneurs, and startups use the grace period of § 102(a) to meet with investors, do the trial-and-error of R&D, and test their inventions. Under today’s law, the implied obligations of confidentiality in conversations with investors and early-stage partners give sufficient protection to permit these ordinary business activities.  The bill repeals all these protections, and replaces them with a flimsy grace period that creates unacceptable risk of loss of patent rights, that no business can rely on—though adds strong protections for large companies that can raise all their financing, and do all their manufacturing and testing in-house.  Inventors won’t be able to talk to investors without a patent, and won’t be able to file an application without an investor.
  • The bill states that an inventor can recover patent rights if he can prove that all other disclosures originated with the inventor—but the bill neglects to create a procedural forum for showing derivation in cases where the leak is not embodied in a patent application, or where the leak neglects to attribute the original inventor.  As a practical business matter, the bill leaves no commercially-feasible grace period, an integral part of U.S. patent law since 1839.—you will have to file every application as soon as possible, often long before the invention is ready.
  • Today’s law gives Americans several advantages over foreign inventors (under the “Hilmer rule”).  The bill removes these advantages, and instead places American inventors at a disadvantage to foreign inventors.   Consider this fact pattern:
  • A German inventor files a patent application in Europe, and later in the U.S. under a bilateral treaty
  • Shortly after the German’s first filing, an American files a patent application in the U.S. on a similar (not identically the same) invention, and then under the same treaty in Europe

Under the proposed legislation, the German’s patent application will be prior art that blocks the American in the U.S.  If we switch them around, so that the American files first, then the American does not block the German in Europe.  The bill does not “harmonize” the law, and the difference disfavors Americans.

  • The bill provides that all disclosures within and by a single company do not create bars.  This is great for multinational companies, with large in-house staffs, but totally useless for a startup or small company that has to partner with outsiders.  Startups use and need the options and protections of current law, but the new bill cuts them away.
  • A single offer for sale or public demonstration one day before filing a patent application will irretrievably destroy patent rights, if the poorly-drafted language is interpreted literally.
  • The § 102(b) grace period is cut back—it no longer protects against activities by third parties, but only the inventor’s own activities.
  • A new “post grant review” procedure allows a competitor, at a time of his own choosing, to start a half‑million dollar proceeding against a patent holder that has threatened no one.  Existing, more modest versions of this procedure have already put companies out of business.
  • As a patent attorney, you will no longer have time to do a good job preparing a patent application, you’ll be “forced to file” prematurely.  This will expose you to risks and destroy your weekends.  Poor initial applications will drive up post-filing prosecution costs.   The stricter and earlier filing deadlines will place you at a blocking point for many of your clients’ business activities, harming your client relationships.  Where good patent attorneys are allies in creating value for businesses today, the bill will move you to being a cost—at a much lower billing rate.

The bill destroys commercial certainty and corrupts the incentives in the system:

  • Various statutory requirements that an applicant act “without deceptive intention” are repealed—in the future, applicants will have incentive to act with deceptive intent.
  • Key terms of art are redefined—you’ve spent a career learning the meaning of “on sale” and “public use,” but the legislative history fundamentally redefines these terms.  It will take decades for courts to establish new precedent to provide any meaningful commercial certainty.
  • The Metallizing Engineering “secret commercial use” bar is repealed—a company will be able to use an invention as a trade secret, and then spring a patent on the public years later.  That favors market incumbents, but makes innovation harder for everyone else.
  • The “best mode” requirement is reduced to a sham: a patentee will be permitted to disclose only a fictitious embodiment, while holding the best as a trade secret.
  • The bill gives companies the right to patent and repatent inventions for years, to keep them locked up, neither using them nor permitting them to be used, for far longer than 20 years.
  • Several aspects of the “first-inventor-to-file” provision—the ones that give patents to second inventors, and to companies that kept inventions in secret for years before filing patent applications—violate constitutional limits on Congress’ authority—years more litigation and commercial uncertainty.
  • The Act allows Wall Street banks to attack “business method” patents that they are infringing.  This doesn’t extend to any other industry, only business methods—another Wall Street giveaway.

The bill is out of committee—further amendments are unlikely. It is literally impossible to alter the bill to meet the needs of startups through an amendment strategy at this late date.  The multinationals and their congressional allies smell victory.  They see no reason to allow any weakening of their preferred bill through amendments favoring small businesses.   The only option at this point is to vote it down.

Typical inventor activities that no longer “work”

Most startups, and many inventions at established companies, go through at least one of two “stories.”  They’re reasonable commercial practice under today’s law, but not under the bill:

  • An entrepreneur with nothing but an idea typically has to present his idea to dozens of venture capitalists and potential manufacturing or marketing partners, without formal confidentiality agreements, to get a company started. (VC’s never sign confidentiality agreements for first meetings.)  This works under today’s law, because of the implied obligation of confidentiality and the protection of § 102(a), but under the bill, these conversations will create commercially-unacceptable risks to the investor and partner.  U.S. inventors will be under the same “Catch-22” as European inventors—unable to talk to potential investors until a patent application is filed, but unable to file a patent application without an investor.  Startups will die before being born.
  • Companies that need a long “invention incubation” period—trial and error, conceive, test and discard, until finding the “magic combination” of techniques—use the § 102(a) grace period to do their R&D in confidence, and file patent applications only when it’s clear which inventions are valuable, and how they work.  Under the bill, a company will have to file a continuous stream of patent applications, many directed to inventions that are dumped under current law.  This will increase patent costs remarkably.

Almost every startup goes through one of these two, many through both, as new companies create new wealth and new jobs under today’s law.  Inventors wait to file quality patent applications until they have quality inventions.  America’s unique and strong right to file in the future, after the inventor and investor know whether the invention is valuable, makes business easy, and prevents wasted costs for inventions that prove worthless.

The “America Invents Act” revokes this historic right.  Property rights turn on non-business legal technicalities created to satisfy bureaucrats, technicalities that will cost $1 billion annually. The bill requires a company to file premature, hasty, and expensive patent applications on every baby-step idea to preserve rights against third parties who are dabbling in the field without intent to develop a commercial product.  The America Invents Act makes these two stories nonviable for startups—because the authors “didn’t think” about them, or didn’t want to.

In 2010, the Kauffman Foundation and Census Bureau released two studies on job creation.  Both found that “net job growth occurs in the U.S. economy only through start up firms.”  If creating new jobs is Congress’s Job One, then killing the America Invents Act is a good place to start.

The proponents’ arguments do not survive scrutiny

Proponents suggest that the bill does away with complex and costly interferences.  That’s true, but irrelevant.  Under 100 applications per year end up in interferences.  In contrast, the change to today’s “§ 102(a)” grace period affects commercial decisions and raises costs for hundreds of thousands of inventions per year, during the time before filing, by giving inventors and patent attorneys time to get it right the first time.  Because the Patent Office has no insight into the pre-filing process of invention, it simply hasn’t taken into account the realities of invention incubation and the costs of its proposal.  Further, the proposed replacement, “derivation proceedings,” are the most costly disputes in patent law in those jurisdictions where they exist.

Second, proponents argue that provisional applications will be a cheap way to preserve rights.  But that isn’t true under the new law.  Under current law, a cheap provisional is useful to show conception and diligence.  But under Patent Reform, a provisional application only provides legal benefit if prepared with full § 112 ¶ 1 care and completeness.   For a typical startup invention, the cost in attorney fees and inventor time for a provisional application is $10,000 or more—a formidable barrier to an entrepreneur’s first conversation with an investor.

Third, proponents argue, “The bill locks in rights if you publish a disclosure of the invention.”  But all companies rely on secrecy for their future plans.  No company publishes its most sensitive and advanced technology years before introduction.  This argument ignores business reality.

 

This intriguing question and its implications for US economic policy are tackled in the groundbreaking book Great Again, by Henry R. Nothhaft with David Kline.  They answer the above query with a series of questions:

Could a twenty-year-old college dropout, just back from six months in an ashram somewhere, attract funding for a capital-intensive venture based on the manufacture (yes, the manufacture) and sale of a $2,500 consumer product unlike any that had ever been bought by consumers before?  One whose potential uses were at best unknown, and possibly nonexistent?  And one for which the total current market size was exactly zero?

Not only could Apple not get funded today, it probably could not go public. Nor would Apple have received its first patent (USPN 4,136,359) in only 20 months.  The book asks “how many of today’s Apples are not getting a chance?”

The authors use the above example to make a broader point that theUSis failing economically and technologically because of the policies we are pursuing.  They show that all net new jobs created in theUSsince 1977 (and possibly longer) were created by startups like Apple.  All increases in real per capita income are due to new technologies and most revolutionary/disruptive technologies are created by startups and individual inventors.  So what are the policies that have undermined our economy, by undermining technology startups?

The book examines five areas:

1.Role of regulations.  The Authors show that our tax policies, Sarbanes Oxley and our indifferent (some might say arrogant) regulators’ application of well meaning regulations to startups is driving them either overseas or out of business.

2. Underfunding the patent office. This is costing theUS millions of jobs and billions in GDP.  According to the authors, each issued patent is worth 3-5 jobs on average, particularly patents issued to startups.

3. Manufacturing policies in the US.  Manufacturing is key, particularly in a world that does not respect property rights in inventions, to ensuring that theUS profits fromUS innovation and not other countries.  TheUS is also losing the global battle for human talent.

4. Battle for global talent. Our restrictive immigration policies are depriving theUS of talented entrepreneurs such as Andy Grove, founder of Intel.

5. Funding for research.  The book shows that our spending on basic science and engineering is not only declining as a percentage of GDP, but the system has become short-term oriented and bureaucratic.

While this book tackles complex issues, it is a quick easy read.  It is full of interviews from entrepreneurs, venture capitalists, and technologists who built America’s technology startups over the last three decades.  Great Again provides numerous real life examples to illustrate its points.

This pioneering book shows how the US can create jobs and increase per capita income.  The policy prescriptions are based on solid science.  Just cutting government spending (balancing the budget) will not cause theUSeconomy to grow vigorously, we need pro-growth policies.  The authors are some of the few people that understand what policies are needed for the US to be GREAT AGAIN.

Great Again: Revitalizing America’s Entrepreneurial Leadership, by Henry R. Nothhaft and David Kline

 
BILSKI: the Good, the Bad, and the Ugly

First, the decision that Bilski’s claims were not considered to be patentable subject matter is not surprising.  The Supreme Court’s hostility to the Bilski patent was evident in oral argument.

THE GOOD

It is not surprising that the most patent friendly Justice (based on the opinions in this case) is Justice Kennedy.  President Ronald Reagan, who was the last president to understand the importance of patents to economic growth, appointed him.  For more information see National Inventor’s Day.  The so-called “conservative” justices on the court could learn a lot by reviewing Reagan’s understanding of patents and how they fit into his economic program.

No categorical rule was proclaimed against business method patents.

Section 101 similarly precludes the broad contention that the term “process” categorically excludes business methods. The term “method,” which is within §100(b)’s definition of “process,” at least as a textual matter and before consulting other limitations in the Patent Act and this Court’s precedents, may include at least some methods of doing business. p. 10.

The Court acknowledges that the “machine or transformation test” might inhibit patents on software.

The machine-or-transformation test may well provide a sufficient basis for evaluating processes similar to those in the Industrial Age—for example, inventions grounded in a physical or other tangible form. However, there are reasons to doubt whether the test should be the sole criterion for determining the patentability of inventions in the Information Age.  As numerous amicus briefs argue, the machine-or-transformation test would create uncertainty as to the patentability of software, advanced diagnostic medicine techniques, and inventions based on linear programming, data compression, and the manipulation of digital signals. p. 9.

The Court acknowledges, (Kennedy), that there is no good definition of a business method patent.  I have made a similar observation in Bilski, Software Patents and Business Method Patents.

The following passage provides a ray of hope that the Court may someday reach a proper analysis of section 101:

that the term “process” categorically excludes business methods. The term “method,” which is within §100(b)’s definition of “process,” at least as a textual matter and before consulting other limitations in the Patent Act and this Court’s precedents, may include at least some methods of doing business. See, e.g., Webster’s New International Dictionary 1548 (2d ed. 1954) (defining “method” as“[a]n orderly procedure or process . . . regular way or manner of doing anything; hence, a set form of procedure adopted in investigation or instruction”). The Court is unaware of any argument that the “‘ordinary, contemporary, common meaning,’” Diehr, supra, at 182, of “method” excludes business methods. Nor is it clear how far a prohibition on business method patents would reach, and whether it would exclude technologies for conducting a business more efficiently. p. 10.

THE BAD

The concurring opinions (Stevens, Ginsburg, Breyer, Sotomayor) (Breyer, Scalia) show that most of the Justices want a categorical rule against business method patents.  However, they fail to provide a definition of a business method patent.  Because the Justices refuse to provide a definition, it is likely that different Justices mean different things by a business method patent.  The only clue as to what they mean by a business method patent is either a way of organizing people or a patent related to finance or money.  I explain why excluding finance and money from patentable subject matter is flawed at Is Money and Abstract Idea.

The Opinion leaves behind a confused set of Jurisprudence on Section 101.  Steve Kunin’s AIPLA presentation is excellent at pointing out the nonsense of the Court’s previous opinions on point.

The Opinion seems to overturn State Street, which was the most intelligent statement of section 101 by our Courts.

THE UGLY

The Court confuses statutory subject matter 101 with Novelty 102 and Non-Obviousness 103.  For instance, Justice Kennedy writes:

In light of these precedents, it is clear that petitioners’ application is not a patentable “process. Claims 1 and 4 in petitioners’ application explain the basic concept of hedging, or protecting against risk: Hedging is a fundamental economic practice long prevalent in our system of commerce and taught in any introductory finance class. p. 15.

Whether Bilski claims a well known economic practice is irrelevant to a 101 analysis.  Confusing and blending the different sections of the patent statute is a consistent problem of the Supreme Court,  and first year patent law associates.

The Court again proves that they do not understand that every invention is a combination of known elements and that pointing out that one of the elements is known provides no insight about a patent.  Specifically the Court writes,

These claims attempt to patent the use of the abstract idea of hedging risk in the energy market and then instruct the use of well-known random analysis techniques to help establish some of the inputs into the equation.

For more information see   Non-Obviousness: A Case Study in Judicial Activism.

All of the opinions of the Court embrace the myth that a patent is a monopoly.  A patent is a property right.  Just as individuals have property rights in land or automobiles.  Property rights are derived from Locke’s theory of Natural Rights. This is completely consistent with patents.  For more information, please refer to, The Myth that Patents are a Monopoly: and Scarcity – Does it Prove Intellectual Property is Unjustified? .  The Court would be wise to consult the preeminent  philosopher on Capitalism: see Ayn Rand on Intellectual Property.

The Court repeats the familiar myth about the Preamble to the Patent and Copyright clause of the Constitution.  We know this is a red herring, because the Court and other proponents of this theory never discuss that a trashy novel which does not “promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts” should not receive Copyright protection.  In addition, the same argument is made with respect to the second amendment and the Court clearly rejected this interpretation.  It is Intellectual Fraud to suggest that the Preamble is meant to limit the “rights” of inventors and authors.  For more information see  Levine & Boldrin Argue the U.S. Should End the Patent System .

The Court repeats well known myths about the economics of patents.  For instance, the Court writes patents

can discourage research by impeding the free exchange of information, for example, by forcing people to avoid the use of potentially patented ideas, by leading them to conduct costly and time-consuming searches of existing or pending patents, by requiring complex licensing arrangements, and by raising the costs of using the patented methods. Although [e]very patent is the grant of a privilege of exacting tolls from the public. p. 43.

The Court does not understand that inventions are the only method of increasing real per capita income and are property rights not monopolies. By forcing people to invent instead of copy or perform redundant research we increase our wealth and protect property rights.  For more information see Source of Economic Growth.

SCARY

Nonetheless, not every new invention or discovery may be patented. Certain things are free for all to use. “Bonito Boats, Inc. v. Thunder Craft Boats, Inc.

Really, the Constitution states that Congress is to secure “for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries.”  What part of “Right” do the Justices not understand? The Constitution does not allow Congress or the Supreme Court to decide which inventions ought to receive patent protection.  This complete disregard for the Constitution shows that this Supreme Court is hostile to patents and has no intention of doing their Constitutional duty of securing the Rights of inventors.

 
Why Investors Need to Pay Attention to the Bilski Decision

A significant portion of the value of stocks is represented by intangible assets.  According to Ocean Tomo, Patent Attribution to Equity Returns , 75% of the value of the S&P 500 is intangible assets.  The Bilski case in front of the Supreme Court could significantly affect the value of these intangible assets.

Bilski is a case about whether certain types of technology are patentable subject matter.  The patent in this case was directed to a financial system for hedging commodities risk.  However, the Supreme Court may use this case to undermine patents related to software and business methods.  If the Court does significantly limit the patentability of software based inventions, the value of the intangible assets of many of these companies will be significantly reduced.  (For more information on the Bilski case see, Bilski, Financial Patents, and the Financial Crisis , and Bilski, Software Patents and Business Method Patents .

The most important intangible asset of most companies is their patents.  The nadir in this country’s legal atmosphere for patents occurred in the 1970s.  It is not surprising that the chart above shows 1975 as the year when companies had the lowest percentage of their value represented by intangible assets.   According to the book, The Invisible Edge , the FTC & DOJ used antitrust law to force US companies to give away the technology associated with over 50,000 patents.  The result was the U.S. transferred its cutting edge technology to Japan and many U.S. companies found themselves unable to compete with the Japanese.  The book cites a MITI study that substantiates that most Japanese companies took advantage of this traitorous policy by the U.S. government to catch up with U.S. companies technologically.  This policy also resulted in reduced research and development spending. 

 

Based on the reports in the post “Bilski Case Provokes Skepticism from Justices” it is clear that the Supremes do not understand patent laws or innovation economics.

It is unfortunate that the Supreme Court justices are so ignorant of patent law and innovation economics.  Justice Sotomayor’s comment that patents in fact “limit the free flow of information” is complete nonsense.  First, the information in the patent would not exist if the inventor had not created it.  Second, patents trade the disclosure of information for a limited term property right.  As a result, patents foster the creation and dissemination of information.  Justice Breyer’s comment if everything that “helps a businessman succeed” is patent-eligible, it would “stop the wheels of progress” shows a complete ignorance of the history of patents and technological progress.  Before the advent of the modern patent system in the US, technological progress was so slow that per capita incomes had not changed in over 2000 years.  Since the advent of the modern patent system, we have had an unprecedented explosion in technological innovation.

 

Subscriber Count

    9

Advertise Here

Your Ad

could be right

HERE

find out how

Donations

Coming Soon